We don't own Iraq, Afganistan or Iceland. We are not the police of the world except certain leaders think we are.
For U.S. foreign policy, it?s time to look again at the founding fathers? ?Great Rule?
George Washington
Douglas Martenson applies a patina to a bronze statue of George Washington near the Philadelphia Museum of Art on May 25.(Matt Rourke / Associated Press)
BY ELIZABETH COBBS
JULY 4, 2016
4:51 AM
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People who don?t get heard have a tendency to shout. Eventually they get mad. For too long, foreign policy experts have stuck their fingers in their ears when confronted by citizens ambivalent about playing global police officer.
Republican Donald Trump is channeling their voices through his electric bullhorn, whipping up the crowd and questioning the validity of institutions like NATO. Regardless of whether one likes the messenger, it?s time to listen as we honor the nation?s 240th birthday.
Trump is right when he claims that a policy that looks out for ?America first? is based on a ?timeless principle.? When George Washington penned his famous Farewell Address of 1796, he asked his Revolutionary War comrade Alexander Hamilton to edit the speech. Hamilton crystallized the president?s sentiment against foreign entanglements ? then shared by most ? into the ?Great Rule.?
?Interweaving our destiny? with others, Washington and Hamilton argued, would ?entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice.? America should therefore pursue economic integration with the world, but maintain strict neutrality in its feuds.
John Quincy Adams reiterated this principle on July 4, 1821, when he reminded Congress that America ?goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her own.?
At the start of the Cold War, President Harry Truman proposed a new great rule to replace the old. Like Washington, Truman had public opinion behind him. Following a vigorous debate, the U.S. Congress accepted Truman?s contention that it was imperative ?to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.?
Citizens agreed that it was the United States? job to defend the so-called Free World ? alone, if necessary. Anything less was deemed un-American. Decision-makers stoked this sentiment to forestall isolationism. They encouraged Manichean thinking to ?scare the hell out of the American people,? as Sen. Arthur Vandenberg put it.